原作：Anne Kavanagh

Naomi Priest & Tania King

翻譯：宋艾米 | 校編：搬那度

Most research into teen bullying tends to focus only on the victim. This means we know little about how the bully is affected.

大多數(shù)針對青少年霸凌行為的研究只傾向于關注受害者。這意味著，我們對施暴者所受到的影響知之甚少。

A new Australian study shows that teenagers who have been both a victim and a bully are at greatest risk of mental health problems, including self-harm and suicidal thoughts.

澳大利亞一項新的研究表明：既是受害者又是施暴者的青少年產生心理健康問題的風險最大，這其中包括自傷行為和自殺念頭。

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 01 

Bullies are victims too

施暴者同樣也是受害者

When it comes to bullying, there is a common misconception that adolescents neatly fall into a category of bully, victim, or not involved. But this is not the case.

人們對于霸凌行為的一個常見誤解，就是所有青少年可以明確地劃分為三類：施暴者、受害者、未卷入霸凌事件者?？墒?，實際情況卻并非如此。

In fact, three-quarters of the adolescents who reported that they had bullied others were also victims of bullying.

事實上，承認自己有過霸凌行為的青少年中，有四分之三同樣也是霸凌行為的受害者。

The study asked 3,500 14-to-15-year-old Australian teenagers – who were participants in the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (LSAC) – whether they had experienced any of 13 different types of bullying behaviour in the past month. This included being hit or kicked on purpose, called names, or forced to do something they didn’t want to do.

我們的這項研究，對 3,500 名參加過《澳洲兒童縱向研究》項目的 14-15 歲澳洲青少年進行了調查，問他們在過去的一個月內是否遭過 13 種不同的霸凌行為。這些行為包括：被別人蓄意拳打腳踢、辱罵、脅迫等。

The participants were asked if they had bullied anyone in the last month using the same bullying behaviours.

參與調查的孩子還被問及，在過去一個月內是否用同樣的行為欺侮過他人。

LSAC also included questions about whether teenagers had self-harmed, had suicidal thoughts, and whether they had made a plan to attempt suicide.

《澳洲兒童縱向研究》項目也包含了一系列關于被測青少年是否有過自傷行為、是否產生過自殺念頭、是否曾經計劃自殺過等問題。

One-third of teenagers reported that they had either bullied, been a victim of bullying, or both (bully-victim).

三分之一的青少年稱，他們欺侮過別人、或者曾是受害者，或者兩者都是（“施暴兼受害者”）。

On the whole, all three groups were more likely to report self-harm, suicidal thoughts and a plan for suicide than those who were not involved in bullying.

總體而言，這三組青少年比其他沒被卷入霸凌事件的青少年更可能稱自己有過自傷行為、曾產生過自殺念頭、或者曾計劃自殺過。

Among bullies only, one in ten had self-harmed and one in eight had thought about suicide in the past year.

在施暴者中，十分之一的青少年有過自傷行為，而八分之一的青少年在過去一年中曾經過考慮過自殺。

Teenagers who were both the bully and the victim of bullying had the highest levels of self-harm (20%) and suicidal thoughts (20%).

身為施暴兼受害者的青少年最有可能發(fā)生自傷行為（20%）和產生自殺念頭（20%）。

Involvement in bullying was associated with two times the risk of self-harm and four times the risk of suicidal thoughts. This was the case even after taking into account other factors that might explain the findings, such as gender, single parent versus couple household, ethnicity and socio-economic status.

卷入霸凌事件的孩子發(fā)生自傷行為的風險是沒有卷入的孩子的兩倍，產生自殺念頭的風險則為四倍。即便考慮了可能解釋此研究發(fā)現(xiàn)的其他因素，如性別、單親家庭對比雙親家庭、種族、社會經濟地位等，結果也是如此。

 02 

Girls more likely to be affected

女孩更容易受影響

Suicidal thoughts and self-harm were highest among girls involved in bullying.

卷入霸凌事件的女孩最容易產生自殺念頭，也最容易發(fā)生自傷行為。

More than one in three girls who were both the bully and the victim self-harmed (35%) and one in four had suicidal thoughts (26%）.

身為施暴兼受害者的女孩中，超過三分之一（35%）曾經有過自傷行為；約四分之一（26%）曾產生過自殺念頭。

The levels among boys who were bully-victims were 11% and 16% respectively.

而在男生施暴兼受害者群體中，自傷行為和自殺念頭的發(fā)生率較低，分別是 11% 和 16%。

However, even among teenagers not involved in bullying, self-harm or having suicidal thoughts were more common among girls than boys.

然而，即便在沒有卷入霸凌事件的青少年中，女生的自傷行為或自殺念頭的發(fā)生率也明顯高于男生。

There were also gender differences in roles in bullying. Of those who were only victims 58% were girls, while 69% of those who were only a bully were male.

青少年在霸凌事件中扮演的角色，也因性別而存在差異。受害者群體中，女生占 58%；而施暴者群體中，男生占 69%。

However, this is not the complete story. Boys represented a higher proportion of those who had a dual role as both a victim and a bully (61%).

然而，這只是片面觀察而已：在有著受害者和施暴者雙重身份的青少年中，男生占較高比例（61%）。

 03 

Who bullies？

哪些人容易有施暴傾向？

While we don’t know why teenagers bully, other research suggests that children who bully are more likely to exhibit “externalising behaviours”.

雖然我們不知道青少年為何會霸凌他人，但是其他研究表明，施暴的青少年比較會表現(xiàn)出 “外部化行為”。

These are defined as: defiant, aggressive, disruptive and non-compliant behaviour.

所謂 “外部化行為”，指的是 “叛逆、具侵犯性、具破壞性和不服從的行為”。

They were also more likely to have:

這些青少年可能還有如下特征：

• negative thoughts, beliefs and attitudes about themselves and others.

  對自己和別人抱有消極的想法、信念和態(tài)度。

  
  

• been negatively influenced by peers.

  曾經受到同齡孩子的負面影響。

  
  

• lived in families where there were problems such as parental conflict.

  生長在有問題的家庭中，如父母關系不合。
  

 04 

What can be done?

我們可以做些什么？

Our research highlights the fact that bullying interventions must recognise the often complex nature of bullying, and particularly the multiple roles that individuals may adopt.

我們的研究強調，有效的霸凌干預措施必須認清霸凌行為的復雜性質，尤其要注意到卷入霸凌事件的青少年可能扮演的多重角色。

Targeting victims of bullying only may miss opportunities to have a broader impact on bullying.

要是只對受害者進行干預，也許就會讓我們錯失良機，難以對霸凌現(xiàn)象進行更加全面有效的干預。

Reducing bullying requires a multifaceted approach focusing on individuals involved, parents, teacher and school climate.

如果要減少霸凌事件的發(fā)生，就需要多管齊下，將重心放在被卷入霸凌事件的孩子、家長、老師和學校氛圍上。

Based on the results of multiple studies, it is estimated that school-based interventions can reduce bullying behaviour by around 20%.

根據(jù)多項研究的結果，校本干預方案估計可以將霸凌事件的發(fā)生率降低約 20%。

Extrapolating from our findings, this would lead to an 11% reduction in the proportion of students who self-harm or have suicidal thoughts.

從我們的研究發(fā)現(xiàn)中推測，校園霸凌事件的減少可以將發(fā)生自傷行為和自殺念頭的學生比率降低 11%。

Some studies have shown that whole-of-school interventions that target school-wide rules and sanctions, teacher training, classroom curriculum, conflict-resolution training, and individual counselling yield better results than those that target only one component.

一些研究已經表明，著眼于學校規(guī)則、懲戒措施、教師培訓、課堂教學課程、沖突解決訓練、個體咨詢輔導等方面的學校整體干預方案，效果要明顯好于只針對單一方面的干預措施。

One of the other problems is that while school-based interventions may reduce bullying behaviour in the short term, the evidence for long-term behaviour change is limited.

但另一個問題是，雖然校本干預方案會在短期內減少霸凌行為的發(fā)生，但只有有限的證據(jù)表明它對霸凌行為有任何長期轉變作用。

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